Drunk in the heady wine of success, blindfolded to absolute power corrupting absolutely, Rupert Murdoch’s media empire is at last getting its comeuppance. Not that its methods passed off as white lilies in the past, but the present avalanche of revelations is sending shock waves down the media landscape.
All stick-bands around the self-inflicted wound are falling off exposing the deeper layers of a festering ethical crisis in the British media and politics, to begin with.
As the British media got obsessed with power and money and the editors revelled in the growing, somewhat, captive circulation figures and an increasing clout over politicians, it was halcyon days for both British media and politics.
Politicians, with skeletons in the closet — and there are many as the salary and perks scandals concerning British MPs had once underlined — felt beholden to the press. Murdoch and his CEOs and editors knew too much about the politicians to expect to be ruffled by the latter. The media simply cashed in on this fault-line, as it were. The government regulator and the self-regulation the media were left with could work no more. That is why, a review has been ordered into the ethical side of media including the relations among politicians, media and the police in addition to an inquest into the criminal offence.
Certain inside stories are revealing: Former British PM Gordon Brown saying that he had no knowledge of ‘criminal’ inclination in the News Corp has earned him some scathing epithets. The critics reminded him of the Sunday Times’ disclosing medical reports of Brown couple’s child, an invasion of privacy which sent Mrs Brown into tears and caused huge embarrassment to David himself. Even so, the then British Prime Minister would invite News Corp. CEO Rebekah Brooks to a sumptuous dinner party with uncorked champagne cascading as they treated their tormentor.
Tony Blair’s super spin doctor A. Campbell cozying up to the press to sell the unsaleable for all one knew.
In passing, admittedly though, the beauty of the British press is its absolute candour, even when operating in the reverse gear.
Personally, British Prime Minister Cameron’s embarrassment is huge. He had hired Andrew Coulson as his media consultant on his resignation as editor of the News of the World in 2007, perhaps with certain dark forebodings at the back of his mind. At any rate, when Cameron sensed that a spilling of the beans was imminent he eased off Andrew who resigned from government. Arrested, interrogated and set on bail, he remains on the radar.
Rupert Murdoch, his son James Murdoch and Rebekah Brooks, the News Corp’s CEO, have been called to face questioning by a House of Commons committee. The first two have refused to respond to the summon while the CEO is going to appear before the Committee. Meanwhile, Murdoch has withdrawn his bid to take full control of satellite broadcaster BskyB. Again, it’s a sand pack against an engulfing storm.
In the process, however, what the British prime minister sees: ‘we are all in it — the media, police and politicians including me’ — may go down as a correct diagnosis of the ailment. But the other way of putting it would be that the media was indulged in undermining the moral power of truth and the ideal of public service by successive elected governments in varying degrees.
The media was obsessed with their methods and procedures of news gathering thinking perhaps that the readers have got used to a diet of sensational scoops and exclusives. Partly it may have been addictive on the part of readers but to a large part it was due to apathy.
In a democracy with affluence, people could care less; as long as it didn’t affect their lifestyle, it wouldn’t perhaps sink in their minds. One wonders, however, if the British economy were not in the doldrums such a hue and cry would have been raised.
But it is perhaps safe to infer that when British people thought that the victim could be anybody among them that they felt outraged and exploited.
The Western countries are used to criticising the weaknesses of Bangladesh’s democracy. Of course, we have many and we are aware and conscious of them. But the longstanding Western democracies have their own kind.
Without feigning any holier than thou image, can we draw parallels between Bangladesh media scene and the current phase of the British media. Not quite, yet like the British or any democratic media, the press in Bangladesh is politically divided. While British media and politics are well-coordinated, to put it politely, in our case, they are not so. In fact, there is a hiatus between the politicians and the media in Bangladesh.
There is, however, a common threat perception in democracies: Either democracy is being compromised by commercialisation of the media or by money and muscle power as in Bangladesh.
The question is whether the robust review of the media-politician role in Britain would prove to be curative, only time will tell.
Telephone hacking is a babe in front of the many-fangled technology shift the media world is going through. This in time has the potential to send tectonic shock waves to people who would like to keep faith with the media as their sacred trust.
With the financial, media and political domains taking on complex and sophisticated ramifications, there is little knowing how vulnerable the media might become to the wily side of power brokers given to abusive use of all tools of power.